<h2> <SPAN name="article23"></SPAN> Public Opinion </h2>
<p>At the beginning of the last strike the papers announced that
Public Opinion was firmly opposed to dictation by a minority.
Towards the end of the strike the papers said that Public
Opinion was strongly in favour of a settlement which would
leave neither side with a sense of defeat. I do not complain
of either of these statements, but I have been wondering, as
I have often wondered before, how a leader-writer discovers
what the Public Opinion is.</p>
<p>When one reads about Public Opinion in the press (and one
reads a good deal about it one way and another), it is a
little difficult to realize, particularly if the printer has
used capital letters, that this much-advertised Public
Opinion is simply You and Me and the Others. Now, since it is
impossible for any man to get at the opinions of all of us,
it is necessary that he should content himself with a sample
half-dozen or so. But from where does he get his sample?
Possibly from his own club, limited perhaps to men of his own
political opinions; almost certainly from his own class.
Public Opinion in this case is simply what he thinks. Even if
he takes the opinion of strangers--the waiter who serves him
at lunch, the tobacconist, the policeman at the corner--the
opinion may be one specially prepared for his personal
consumption, one inspired by tact, boredom, or even a sense
of humour. If, for instance, the process were to be reversed,
and my tobacconist were to ask me what I thought of the
strike, I should grunt and go out of his shop; but he would
be wrong to attribute “a dour grimness” to the
nation in consequence.</p>
<p>Nor is the investigator likely to be more correct if he
judges Public Opinion from the evidence of his eyes rather
than his ears. Thus one reporter noticed on the faces of his
companions in the omnibus “a look of stern
determination to see this thing through.” If they were
all really looking like that, it must have been an impressive
sight. But it is at least possible that this distinctive look
was one of stern determination to get a more comfortable seat
on the ’bus which took them home again.</p>
<p>It must be very easy (and would certainly be extremely
interesting) to go about forming Public Opinion, I should
like to initiate an L.F.P.O., or League for Forming Public
Opinion, and not only for forming it, but for putting it,
when formed, into direct action. Such a League, even if
limited to two hundred members, could by its concerted action
exercise a very remarkable effect. Suppose we decided to
attack profiteering. We should choose our shop--a
hosier’s, let us say. Beginning on Monday morning, a
member of the League would go in and ask to be shown some
ties. Having spent some time in looking through the stock and
selecting a couple, he would ask the price. “Oh, but
that’s ridiculous,” he would say. “I
couldn’t think of paying that. If I can’t get
them cheaper somewhere else, I’ll do without them
altogether.” The shopman shrugs his shoulders and puts
his ties back again. Perhaps he tells himself contemptuously
that he doesn’t cater for that sort of customer. The
customer goes out, and half an hour later the second member
of the League arrives. This one asks for collars. He is
equally indignant at the price, and is equally determined not
to wear a collar at all rather than submit to such extortion.
Half an hour later the third member comes in. He wants
socks.... The fourth member wants ties again... The fifth
wants gloves....</p>
<p>Now this is going on, not only all through the day, but all
through the week, and for another week after that. Can you
not imagine that, after a fortnight of it, the haberdasher
begins to feel that “Public Opinion is strongly aroused
against profiteering in the hosiery trade”? Is it not
possible that the loss of two hundred customers in a
fortnight would make him wonder whether a lower price might
not bring him in a greater profit? I think it is possible. I
do not think he could withstand a Public Opinion so well
organized and so relentlessly concentrated.</p>
<p>But such a League would have enormous power in many ways. If
you were to write to the editor of a paper complaining that
So-and-So’s contributions (mine, if you like) were
beneath contempt, the editor would not be seriously concerned
about it. Possibly he had a letter the day before saying that
So-and-So was beyond all other writers delightful. But if
twenty members of the League wrote every week for ten weeks
in succession, from two hundred different addresses, saying
that So-and-So’s articles were beneath contempt, the
editor would be more than human if he did not tell himself
that So-and-So had fallen off a little and was obviously
losing his hold on the popular imagination. In a little while
he would decide that it would be wiser to make a change....</p>
<p>Of course, the League would not attack a writer or any other
public man from sheer wilfulness, but it would probably have
no difficulty in bringing down over-praised mediocrity to its
proper level or in giving a helping hand to unrecognized
talent. But unless its president were a man of unerring
judgment and remarkable restraint, its sense of power would
probably be too much for it, and it would lose its head
altogether. Looking round for a suitable president, I can
think of nobody but myself. And I am too busy just now.</p>
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