<h2><SPAN name="CHAPTER_XXXII" id="CHAPTER_XXXII"></SPAN>CHAPTER XXXII</h2>
<h3>THE SOLID SOUTH, PAST AND PRESENT. FUTURE OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY</h3>
<p>To turn again to the South. This section has been a fertile field for
political experimental purposes by successive Republican
administrations, ever since the second administration of President
Grant. The Solid South, so-called, has been a serious menace to the
peace and prosperity of the country. How to bring about such a condition
of affairs as would do away with the supposed necessity for its
continuance has been the problem, the solution of which has been the
cause of political experiments. President Hayes was the first to try the
experiment of appointing Democrats to many of the most important
offices, hoping that the solution would thus be found. But he was not
given credit for honest motives in doing so, for the reason that the
public was impressed with the belief that such action on his part was
one of the conditions upon which he was allowed to be peaceably
inaugurated. At any rate the experiment was a complete failure, hence,
so far as the more important offices were concerned, that policy was not
continued by Republican administrations that came into power subsequent
to the Hayes administration, and prior to that of Taft's.</p>
<p>I do not mean to say that no Democrats were appointed to important
offices at the South by the administrations referred to, but such
appointments were not made with the belief or expectation that they
would contribute to a solution of the problem that was involved in what
was known as the Solid South. Political and social conditions in that
section of the country are such that the appointment to some of the
federal offices of men who are not identified with the Republican party
is inevitable. The impression that the writer desires to make upon the
mind of the reader is that, between the administration of Hayes and that
of Taft no Republican administrations made such appointments with the
expectation that they would contribute to a breaking up of the solid
south. President Roosevelt tried the experiment of offering
encouragement and inducements in that direction to what was known as the
Gold-standard Democrats, but even that was barren of satisfactory
results. President Taft seems to be the only Republican President since
Mr. Hayes who has allowed himself to labor under the delusion that the
desired result could be accomplished through the use and distribution of
Federal patronage. The chief mistake on the part of those who thus
believe, and who act in accordance with that belief, grows out of a
serious lack of information about the actual situation. In the first
place their action is based upon the assumption that the Solid
South,—or what remains of it,—is an outgrowth of an honest expression
of the wishes of the people of that section, whereas, in point of fact,
the masses had very little to do with bringing about present conditions
and know less about them. Those conditions are not due primarily to the
fact that colored men are intimidated by white men, but that white men
are intimidated by the Democratic party. They are not due primarily to
the fact that colored men are disfranchised, but that white men are
prevented from giving effective expression to their honest political
opinions and convictions.</p>
<p>The disfranchisement of the colored men is one of the results growing
out of those conditions, which would not and could not exist if there
were absolute freedom of thought and action in political matters among
the white people. The only part that the so-called Race Question plays
in this business is that it is used as a pretext to justify the coercive
and proscriptive methods thus used. The fact that the colored man is
disfranchised and has no voice in the creation and administration of the
government under which he lives and by which he is taxed does not change
the situation in this respect. His presence,—whether he can vote or
not,—furnishes the occasion for the continuance of such methods, and,
as long as intelligent persons, especially at the North and particularly
in the Republican party, can be thus fooled and deceived they will not
be discontinued.</p>
<p>The announcement of President Taft's Southern policy, therefore, was
received by the present leaders of the Democratic party at the South
with satisfaction and delight, not on account of the official
recognition that members of their party were to receive, for that was of
secondary importance, but on account of the fact that they could clearly
see that their contention about the so-called race question was thus
given a national sanction, which would have the effect of making that
question serve them for several more Presidential campaigns. It was
giving a new market value to this "watered stock," from which they would
derive political dividends for a much longer period than they otherwise
would. They could thus see to their unbounded glee that if a man of
President Taft's intelligence and experience could thus be deceived as
to conditions at the South, they would not have very much difficulty in
deceiving others who were not believed to be so well informed.</p>
<p>To solve this problem, therefore, the disposition of the federal
patronage will cut a very small figure. The patronage question is not
half so important, in a political or party sense, as many have been led
to believe. It really makes very little difference by whom the few
offices are held, whether they be all Democrats, all Republicans, some
white, some colored, provided they be honest, capable, and efficient For
political, personal or party reasons some feeling may be created, and
some prejudice may be aroused on account of the appointment of a certain
person to an office; but if no attention should be paid to it, and the
fact should be developed that the duties of the same are being
discharged in a creditable and satisfactory manner the public will soon
forget all about it. The fact remains, however, that the disposition of
the federal patronage will not produce the slightest change in the
political situation in such localities. If a national Republican
administration should refuse to appoint a colored man, for instance, to
any office in any one of the Southern States for the alleged reason that
it might be objectionable to the white people of the community,—and
therefore might have a tendency to prevent white men from coming into
the Republican party,—at the very next election in that community the
fact would be demonstrated that the Republican party had not gained and
that the Democratic party had not lost a single vote as a result
thereof. The reason for this result would be in the first place that the
excuse given was insincere and untrue, and in the second place, because
the incumbent of the office, whoever he might be, would produce no
effect whatsoever in the local situation in consequence of his
appointment to the office and his acceptance of it. If there should be
any change at all in the situation it would doubtless be to the
detriment of the Republican party; for there would, no doubt, be some
who would be disposed to resent what would seem to them to be political
or party ingratitude.</p>
<p>So far as the colored Republicans are concerned they have been in the
past, and must be in the future, nothing more than party allies. They
have never dominated a State, nor have they controlled the Republican
organization of any State to the exclusion of the white men thereof.
They have simply been the allies of white men who could be induced to
come forward and assume the leadership. This is all they have been in
the past; it is all they desire to be in the future. They are perfectly
willing to follow where others lead provided those others lead wisely
and in the right direction. All they ask, desire and insist upon is to
be recognized as political allies upon terms of equality and to have a
voice in the councils of the party of their choice and in the creation
and administration of the government under which they live, and by which
they are taxed, and also a fair and reasonable recognition as a result
of party success, based, all things else being equal, upon merit,
fitness, ability and capacity. Even in States where it is possible for
them to wield a sufficient influence to be potential in party
conventions, and to help shape the policy and select the candidates of
that party, they never fail to support the strongest and best men among
the white members of the organization. If it be true that they were
sometimes the victims of misplaced confidence, it cannot, and will not,
be denied that the same is equally true of white men of far more
experience in such matters.</p>
<p>If there is ever to be again, as there once was, a strong and
substantial Republican party at the South, or a party by any other name
that will openly oppose the ruling oligarchy of that section,—as I have
every reason to believe will eventually take place,—it will not be
through the disposition of federal patronage, but in consequence of the
acceptance by the people of that section of the principles and policies
for which the National Organization stands. For the accomplishment of
this purpose and for the attainment of this end time is the most
important factor. Questionable methods that have been used to hold in
abeyance the advancing civilization of the age will eventually be
overcome and effectually destroyed. The wheels of progress, of
intelligence, and of right cannot and will not move backwards, but will
go forward in spite of all that can be said and done. In the mean time
the exercise of patience, forbearance, and good judgment are all that
will be required.</p>
<p>Another fact which seems to be overlooked by many is that the so-called
Solid South of to-day is not the menace to the country that it was
between 1875 and 1888. During that period the Solid South included the
States of Delaware, Maryland, West Virginia, Kentucky, and Missouri.
Those States at that time were as reliably Democratic as Texas and
Georgia. Such does not seem to be true of them now, and yet I venture
the assertion that the disposition of the federal patronage in them had
very little, if anything, to do with bringing about the change. What has
been done and is being done in those States can be done in others that
are located south of them. As strong as the Republican party is there is
one thing it cannot afford to do, and that is to encourage or tolerate
the drawing of the race or color line in any efforts that may be made to
break up and dissolve what now remains of the Solid South. One of the
cardinal principles and doctrines of the Republican party,—the
principle that has, more than any other, secured for it the loyal and
consistent support of those who represent the moral sentiment of the
country,—is its bold and aggressive advocacy and defense of liberty,
justice, and equal civil and political rights for all classes of
American citizens. From that grand and noble position it cannot afford
to descend in an effort to find new and doubtful allies. If it should in
an evil moment allow itself to make such a grave blunder, such a
criminal mistake, it will thereby forfeit the confidence and support of
the major part of those upon whom in the past it has relied,—and never
in vain,—for its continuance in power. There is nothing in the
situation that would justify the experiment, even if it were thought
that a little temporary and local advantage would be secured thereby.</p>
<p>The Fifteenth Amendment to the National Constitution was not intended to
confer suffrage upon any particular race or class of persons, but merely
to place a limit upon the National Government and that of the several
States in prescribing the qualifications of electors. Whatever power the
national or any state government may have had in prescribing the
qualification of electors prior to the ratification of the Fifteenth
Amendment it still has, save that it cannot legally and constitutionally
make race or color a ground of disqualification. In other words,
whatever qualifications may be prescribed and fixed as a condition
precedent to voting, must be applicable to white and colored alike. A
few States, under the false plea of political necessity, have resorted
to certain schemes of doubtful constitutionality, for the sole purpose
of evading this plain provision of the National Constitution. They may
stand for a while, but, even if they could stand indefinitely, that fact
would furnish no excuse for the party,—a party that has stood so long,
and fought so hard for liberty, justice, equal rights, and fair
play,—to enter into a political alliance with any other party or
faction which would involve a compromise or an abandonment of those
grand and noble principles. The Republican party is still in the prime
and glory of its usefulness. It is still strong in the confidence and
affections of the masses of the people, at least such was the case in
1908, because it had not up to that time allowed itself to compromise or
abandon,—so far as its platform utterances were concerned,—the
fundamental principles which called it into existence and which caused
it to be placed in control of the National Government, and which have
caused its continuance in power for so many years. Whether or not the
unwise and unfortunate southern policy inaugurated by the Taft
Administration will result in disaster to the party is not and cannot be
known at this writing. We can only hope.</p>
<h3>THE END</h3>
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