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<p>“If, I say, I should talk of these or such-like things to men
that had taken their bias another way, how deaf would they be to all
I could say!” “No doubt, very deaf,” answered
I; “and no wonder, for one is never to offer propositions or advice
that we are certain will not be entertained. Discourses so much
out of the road could not avail anything, nor have any effect on men
whose minds were prepossessed with different sentiments. This
philosophical way of speculation is not unpleasant among friends in
a free conversation; but there is no room for it in the courts of princes,
where great affairs are carried on by authority.” “That
is what I was saying,” replied he, “that there is no room
for philosophy in the courts of princes.” “Yes, there
is,” said I, “but not for this speculative philosophy, that
makes everything to be alike fitting at all times; but there is another
philosophy that is more pliable, that knows its proper scene, accommodates
itself to it, and teaches a man with propriety and decency to act that
part which has fallen to his share. If when one of Plautus’
comedies is upon the stage, and a company of servants are acting their
parts, you should come out in the garb of a philosopher, and repeat,
out of <i>Octavia</i>, a discourse of Seneca’s to Nero, would
it not be better for you to say nothing than by mixing things of such
different natures to make an impertinent tragi-comedy? for you spoil
and corrupt the play that is in hand when you mix with it things of
an opposite nature, even though they are much better. Therefore
go through with the play that is acting the best you can, and do not
confound it because another that is pleasanter comes into your thoughts.
It is even so in a commonwealth and in the councils of princes; if ill
opinions cannot be quite rooted out, and you cannot cure some received
vice according to your wishes, you must not, therefore, abandon the
commonwealth, for the same reasons as you should not forsake the ship
in a storm because you cannot command the winds. You are not obliged
to assault people with discourses that are out of their road, when you
see that their received notions must prevent your making an impression
upon them: you ought rather to cast about and to manage things with
all the dexterity in your power, so that, if you are not able to make
them go well, they may be as little ill as possible; for, except all
men were good, everything cannot be right, and that is a blessing that
I do not at present hope to see.” “According to your
argument,” answered he, “all that I could be able to do
would be to preserve myself from being mad while I endeavoured to cure
the madness of others; for, if I speak with, I must repeat what I have
said to you; and as for lying, whether a philosopher can do it or not
I cannot tell: I am sure I cannot do it. But though these discourses
may be uneasy and ungrateful to them, I do not see why they should seem
foolish or extravagant; indeed, if I should either propose such things
as Plato has contrived in his ‘Commonwealth,’ or as the
Utopians practise in theirs, though they might seem better, as certainly
they are, yet they are so different from our establishment, which is
founded on property (there being no such thing among them), that I could
not expect that it would have any effect on them. But such discourses
as mine, which only call past evils to mind and give warning of what
may follow, leave nothing in them that is so absurd that they may not
be used at any time, for they can only be unpleasant to those who are
resolved to run headlong the contrary way; and if we must let alone
everything as absurd or extravagant—which, by reason of the wicked
lives of many, may seem uncouth—we must, even among Christians,
give over pressing the greatest part of those things that Christ hath
taught us, though He has commanded us not to conceal them, but to proclaim
on the housetops that which He taught in secret. The greatest
parts of His precepts are more opposite to the lives of the men of this
age than any part of my discourse has been, but the preachers seem to
have learned that craft to which you advise me: for they, observing
that the world would not willingly suit their lives to the rules that
Christ has given, have fitted His doctrine, as if it had been a leaden
rule, to their lives, that so, some way or other, they might agree with
one another. But I see no other effect of this compliance except
it be that men become more secure in their wickedness by it; and this
is all the success that I can have in a court, for I must always differ
from the rest, and then I shall signify nothing; or, if I agree with
them, I shall then only help forward their madness. I do not comprehend
what you mean by your ‘casting about,’ or by ‘the
bending and handling things so dexterously that, if they go not well,
they may go as little ill as may be;’ for in courts they will
not bear with a man’s holding his peace or conniving at what others
do: a man must barefacedly approve of the worst counsels and consent
to the blackest designs, so that he would pass for a spy, or, possibly,
for a traitor, that did but coldly approve of such wicked practices;
and therefore when a man is engaged in such a society, he will be so
far from being able to mend matters by his ‘casting about,’
as you call it, that he will find no occasions of doing any good—the
ill company will sooner corrupt him than be the better for him; or if,
notwithstanding all their ill company, he still remains steady and innocent,
yet their follies and knavery will be imputed to him; and, by mixing
counsels with them, he must bear his share of all the blame that belongs
wholly to others.</p>
<p>“It was no ill simile by which Plato set forth the unreasonableness
of a philosopher’s meddling with government. ‘If a
man,’ says he, ‘were to see a great company run out every
day into the rain and take delight in being wet—if he knew that
it would be to no purpose for him to go and persuade them to return
to their houses in order to avoid the storm, and that all that could
be expected by his going to speak to them would be that he himself should
be as wet as they, it would be best for him to keep within doors, and,
since he had not influence enough to correct other people’s folly,
to take care to preserve himself.’</p>
<p>“Though, to speak plainly my real sentiments, I must freely
own that as long as there is any property, and while money is the standard
of all other things, I cannot think that a nation can be governed either
justly or happily: not justly, because the best things will fall to
the share of the worst men; nor happily, because all things will be
divided among a few (and even these are not in all respects happy),
the rest being left to be absolutely miserable. Therefore, when
I reflect on the wise and good constitution of the Utopians, among whom
all things are so well governed and with so few laws, where virtue hath
its due reward, and yet there is such an equality that every man lives
in plenty—when I compare with them so many other nations that
are still making new laws, and yet can never bring their constitution
to a right regulation; where, notwithstanding every one has his property,
yet all the laws that they can invent have not the power either to obtain
or preserve it, or even to enable men certainly to distinguish what
is their own from what is another’s, of which the many lawsuits
that every day break out, and are eternally depending, give too plain
a demonstration—when, I say, I balance all these things in my
thoughts, I grow more favourable to Plato, and do not wonder that he
resolved not to make any laws for such as would not submit to a community
of all things; for so wise a man could not but foresee that the setting
all upon a level was the only way to make a nation happy; which cannot
be obtained so long as there is property, for when every man draws to
himself all that he can compass, by one title or another, it must needs
follow that, how plentiful soever a nation may be, yet a few dividing
the wealth of it among themselves, the rest must fall into indigence.
So that there will be two sorts of people among them, who deserve that
their fortunes should be interchanged—the former useless, but
wicked and ravenous; and the latter, who by their constant industry
serve the public more than themselves, sincere and modest men—from
whence I am persuaded that till property is taken away, there can be
no equitable or just distribution of things, nor can the world be happily
governed; for as long as that is maintained, the greatest and the far
best part of mankind, will be still oppressed with a load of cares and
anxieties. I confess, without taking it quite away, those pressures
that lie on a great part of mankind may be made lighter, but they can
never be quite removed; for if laws were made to determine at how great
an extent in soil, and at how much money, every man must stop—to
limit the prince, that he might not grow too great; and to restrain
the people, that they might not become too insolent—and that none
might factiously aspire to public employments, which ought neither to
be sold nor made burdensome by a great expense, since otherwise those
that serve in them would be tempted to reimburse themselves by cheats
and violence, and it would become necessary to find out rich men for
undergoing those employments, which ought rather to be trusted to the
wise. These laws, I say, might have such effect as good diet and
care might have on a sick man whose recovery is desperate; they might
allay and mitigate the disease, but it could never be quite healed,
nor the body politic be brought again to a good habit as long as property
remains; and it will fall out, as in a complication of diseases, that
by applying a remedy to one sore you will provoke another, and that
which removes the one ill symptom produces others, while the strengthening
one part of the body weakens the rest.” “On the contrary,”
answered I, “it seems to me that men cannot live conveniently
where all things are common. How can there be any plenty where
every man will excuse himself from labour? for as the hope of gain doth
not excite him, so the confidence that he has in other men’s industry
may make him slothful. If people come to be pinched with want,
and yet cannot dispose of anything as their own, what can follow upon
this but perpetual sedition and bloodshed, especially when the reverence
and authority due to magistrates falls to the ground? for I cannot imagine
how that can be kept up among those that are in all things equal to
one another.” “I do not wonder,” said he, “that
it appears so to you, since you have no notion, or at least no right
one, of such a constitution; but if you had been in Utopia with me,
and had seen their laws and rules, as I did, for the space of five years,
in which I lived among them, and during which time I was so delighted
with them that indeed I should never have left them if it had not been
to make the discovery of that new world to the Europeans, you would
then confess that you had never seen a people so well constituted as
they.” “You will not easily persuade me,” said
Peter, “that any nation in that new world is better governed than
those among us; for as our understandings are not worse than theirs,
so our government (if I mistake not) being more ancient, a long practice
has helped us to find out many conveniences of life, and some happy
chances have discovered other things to us which no man’s understanding
could ever have invented.” “As for the antiquity either
of their government or of ours,” said he, “you cannot pass
a true judgment of it unless you had read their histories; for, if they
are to be believed, they had towns among them before these parts were
so much as inhabited; and as for those discoveries that have been either
hit on by chance or made by ingenious men, these might have happened
there as well as here. I do not deny but we are more ingenious
than they are, but they exceed us much in industry and application.
They knew little concerning us before our arrival among them.
They call us all by a general name of ‘The nations that lie beyond
the equinoctial line;’ for their chronicle mentions a shipwreck
that was made on their coast twelve hundred years ago, and that some
Romans and Egyptians that were in the ship, getting safe ashore, spent
the rest of their days amongst them; and such was their ingenuity that
from this single opportunity they drew the advantage of learning from
those unlooked-for guests, and acquired all the useful arts that were
then among the Romans, and which were known to these shipwrecked men;
and by the hints that they gave them they themselves found out even
some of those arts which they could not fully explain, so happily did
they improve that accident of having some of our people cast upon their
shore. But if such an accident has at any time brought any from
thence into Europe, we have been so far from improving it that we do
not so much as remember it, as, in aftertimes perhaps, it will be forgot
by our people that I was ever there; for though they, from one such
accident, made themselves masters of all the good inventions that were
among us, yet I believe it would be long before we should learn or put
in practice any of the good institutions that are among them.
And this is the true cause of their being better governed and living
happier than we, though we come not short of them in point of understanding
or outward advantages.” Upon this I said to him, “I
earnestly beg you would describe that island very particularly to us;
be not too short, but set out in order all things relating to their
soil, their rivers, their towns, their people, their manners, constitution,
laws, and, in a word, all that you imagine we desire to know; and you
may well imagine that we desire to know everything concerning them of
which we are hitherto ignorant.” “I will do it very
willingly,” said he, “for I have digested the whole matter
carefully, but it will take up some time.” “Let us
go, then,” said I, “first and dine, and then we shall have
leisure enough.” He consented; we went in and dined, and
after dinner came back and sat down in the same place. I ordered
my servants to take care that none might come and interrupt us, and
both Peter and I desired Raphael to be as good as his word. When
he saw that we were very intent upon it he paused a little to recollect
himself, and began in this manner:—</p>
<p>“The island of Utopia is in the middle two hundred miles broad,
and holds almost at the same breadth over a great part of it, but it
grows narrower towards both ends. Its figure is not unlike a crescent.
Between its horns the sea comes in eleven miles broad, and spreads itself
into a great bay, which is environed with land to the compass of about
five hundred miles, and is well secured from winds. In this bay
there is no great current; the whole coast is, as it were, one continued
harbour, which gives all that live in the island great convenience for
mutual commerce. But the entry into the bay, occasioned by rocks
on the one hand and shallows on the other, is very dangerous.
In the middle of it there is one single rock which appears above water,
and may, therefore, easily be avoided; and on the top of it there is
a tower, in which a garrison is kept; the other rocks lie under water,
and are very dangerous. The channel is known only to the natives;
so that if any stranger should enter into the bay without one of their
pilots he would run great danger of shipwreck. For even they themselves
could not pass it safe if some marks that are on the coast did not direct
their way; and if these should be but a little shifted, any fleet that
might come against them, how great soever it were, would be certainly
lost. On the other side of the island there are likewise many
harbours; and the coast is so fortified, both by nature and art, that
a small number of men can hinder the descent of a great army.
But they report (and there remains good marks of it to make it credible)
that this was no island at first, but a part of the continent.
Utopus, that conquered it (whose name it still carries, for Abraxa was
its first name), brought the rude and uncivilised inhabitants into such
a good government, and to that measure of politeness, that they now
far excel all the rest of mankind. Having soon subdued them, he
designed to separate them from the continent, and to bring the sea quite
round them. To accomplish this he ordered a deep channel to be
dug, fifteen miles long; and that the natives might not think he treated
them like slaves, he not only forced the inhabitants, but also his own
soldiers, to labour in carrying it on. As he set a vast number
of men to work, he, beyond all men’s expectations, brought it
to a speedy conclusion. And his neighbours, who at first laughed
at the folly of the undertaking, no sooner saw it brought to perfection
than they were struck with admiration and terror.</p>
<p>“There are fifty-four cities in the island, all large and well
built, the manners, customs, and laws of which are the same, and they
are all contrived as near in the same manner as the ground on which
they stand will allow. The nearest lie at least twenty-four miles’
distance from one another, and the most remote are not so far distant
but that a man can go on foot in one day from it to that which lies
next it. Every city sends three of their wisest senators once
a year to Amaurot, to consult about their common concerns; for that
is the chief town of the island, being situated near the centre of it,
so that it is the most convenient place for their assemblies.
The jurisdiction of every city extends at least twenty miles, and, where
the towns lie wider, they have much more ground. No town desires
to enlarge its bounds, for the people consider themselves rather as
tenants than landlords. They have built, over all the country,
farmhouses for husbandmen, which are well contrived, and furnished with
all things necessary for country labour. Inhabitants are sent,
by turns, from the cities to dwell in them; no country family has fewer
than forty men and women in it, besides two slaves. There is a
master and a mistress set over every family, and over thirty families
there is a magistrate. Every year twenty of this family come back
to the town after they have stayed two years in the country, and in
their room there are other twenty sent from the town, that they may
learn country work from those that have been already one year in the
country, as they must teach those that come to them the next from the
town. By this means such as dwell in those country farms are never
ignorant of agriculture, and so commit no errors which might otherwise
be fatal and bring them under a scarcity of corn. But though there
is every year such a shifting of the husbandmen to prevent any man being
forced against his will to follow that hard course of life too long,
yet many among them take such pleasure in it that they desire leave
to continue in it many years. These husbandmen till the ground,
breed cattle, hew wood, and convey it to the towns either by land or
water, as is most convenient. They breed an infinite multitude
of chickens in a very curious manner; for the hens do not sit and hatch
them, but a vast number of eggs are laid in a gentle and equal heat
in order to be hatched, and they are no sooner out of the shell, and
able to stir about, but they seem to consider those that feed them as
their mothers, and follow them as other chickens do the hen that hatched
them. They breed very few horses, but those they have are full
of mettle, and are kept only for exercising their youth in the art of
sitting and riding them; for they do not put them to any work, either
of ploughing or carriage, in which they employ oxen. For though
their horses are stronger, yet they find oxen can hold out longer; and
as they are not subject to so many diseases, so they are kept upon a
less charge and with less trouble. And even when they are so worn
out that they are no more fit for labour, they are good meat at last.
They sow no corn but that which is to be their bread; for they drink
either wine, cider or perry, and often water, sometimes boiled with
honey or liquorice, with which they abound; and though they know exactly
how much corn will serve every town and all that tract of country which
belongs to it, yet they sow much more and breed more cattle than are
necessary for their consumption, and they give that overplus of which
they make no use to their neighbours. When they want anything
in the country which it does not produce, they fetch that from the town,
without carrying anything in exchange for it. And the magistrates
of the town take care to see it given them; for they meet generally
in the town once a month, upon a festival day. When the time of
harvest comes, the magistrates in the country send to those in the towns
and let them know how many hands they will need for reaping the harvest;
and the number they call for being sent to them, they commonly despatch
it all in one day.</p>
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